How Has The Gulf Cooperation Council Created An Effective Alliance?
how has the Gulf cooperation council created an effective alliance?
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze and reflect how Gulf Cooperation has created a stance of mutual integration, taking into account its validity and long term prospects. It addresses the efforts of countries formulating "Gulf cooperation", asserting the strengths and weaknesses that are associated with it.
How has the Gulf cooperation council created an effective alliance?
"Gulf cooperation is a treaty that is treated as both an amalgamation of national interest as well as a covering to global security under the name of cooperation"
In the past few years, significant momentum has been observed in different regions and the World Bank Group, trying to incorporate more cooperation within relevant regions. It would not be wrong to say that this initiative stated a stance of analytical propositions to determine and demonstrate the emphasis on the assessment and explanation of ways that could support to foster trade integration. There are several other aspects that are considered as the headlines of promotion, such as migration prospectus for integration of energy, labor mobility and the development of infrastructure that could help to mitigate the non-tariff barriers. The region was also directed to make some inroads despite a number of degrees in the geographical regions. It would not be wrong to call it, integration of the Arab world into the world economy. It is asserted that a number of objectives were achieved by adopting low common tariffs by the Gulf Cooperation Council when chained with improved infrastructure. Some other goals highlighted initiatives that could reduce the nontariff barriers along with harmonizing policies and certain procedures. As trade police work in coordination with the national and regional authorities, this area acted as a potential gain for the region.
It is evident that any close combination or alliance of countries is based on the strong foundations of perceived identities; it refers to the assessment of the fact that isolation could be negated. These identities can behold any similarity such as economic, cultural, political and military, taking into account that a common denominator is essential if reconciliation has an explicit purpose and real substance. Before the formulation of GCC, there are six countries that have talked about the formulation of the regional grouping of any kind. In 1976, the foreign ministers of the current GCC, Iran, and Iraq met but the ministers could not agree at common positions. Significant and serious negotiations started in 1979 in Oman when rule of Kuwait contacted Gulf Arab State leaders and praised thoughts for the establishment of union among themselves. In 1981, cooperation council of Arab Gulf came into existence, taking into account that a coordinated platform of social, economic, political and financial affairs should be formulated. The Gulf Cooperation comprises of six countries, named as, Bahrain, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar and Unites Arab Emirates. It is significant to note that these countries share certain cultural and historical ties to develop a more diversified economic stratum over time. It is interesting that the countries that were made part of GCC have a relatively high income, asserting hydrocarbon-based economies. There are several propositions and arguments that are add to determine the stance of alliance that CCG has attained.
Alliance and global security
According to Taylor, (2018), it has been highlighted that the gulf cooperation council was more than surprise for countries, taking into account that actual membership is likely a long way off the GCC proposed signals of alliance. It is inferred that GCC revolution in Iran and amid Iran Iraq War is more like a serious threat to the Gulf States from regional instabilities. It is affirmed that these countries have a status quo-oriented monarchies with regional stability as an underlying goal. The United States has served a major proportion of service as power guarantor of Gulf stability and security. It is asserted that GCC founded the peninsula shield force that is actually based in Saudi Arabia, comprising of about 40,000 soldiers in two bridges. In response to Taylor’s proposition, it is directed to analyze rapid response and a combatting external military aggression against the interval stabilization within GCC. The only significant deployment was made in 2011 intervention in Bahrain. It is inferred that GCC has enhanced coordination and harmonization over the tie, taking into account the agreement on economics and trade 2001, external tariffs and customs, common labor marker that has been adopted but other paradigms are stalled.
In accordance with Koku, (2019), the 2013 Saudi proposal inferred for the unification of political platforms that was blocked by Oman and it was reported with support of several members. In the context of alliance, it is asserted that GCC countries regard Iran as one of the major security challenges; it was a persuasion of a number of approaches that were based on varying priorities. Today, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are acting as a leading military intervention in Yemen against the Iranian supported Houthi rebels and other allies. (Koku, et, al. 2019). It is significant to note that Qatar, Turkey, and Riyadh is acting as a major sponsor of Syrian rebels that are fighting against the Assad regime, taking into account that it is one of the most significant and major assets along with Hezbollah. These entailments question either GCC adheres to alliance or global security? The formulation of Peninsula Shield Force in 1982 has incorporated the credibility of GCC will, taking into account military communication that can preserve the safety of people as well as nations. Many of the researchers have found alliance as a molded concept to Global security, taking into account that Gulf has not created an alliance but a stance of security with the help of mutual integrity and diffusion. (Taylor, et, al. 2018).
Social and Political Milieu
Baabood, (2019) inferred that GCC countries were enthusiastic participants in the coalition against the Islamic State in Iraq and Levant. GCC has pressured Iranian allies in Lebanon that convinced Arab League to designate Hezbollah a terrorist group, cutting major proportion of aid to Lebanese market and expelled some Lebanese expatriates in courtiers of the gulf. In accordance with Alqatani, (2019), it is asserted that Socio-political Milieu has played a major role in incorporating the stance of alliance. It is evident that the states of the Gulf were poverty sickened; agriculture was limited by desertification and primitive technology. Major proportions of economic activities were dependent on the coastal commerce, pearling and fishing. It is highlighted that tribal steam added fuel to the fires of disorganization. The introduction of oil wealth is treated as one of the major radical in the organized, urbanized and most important alliance stance. It is treated as one of the major elements that have boasted the economy of these states as world's highest average income per capita. It was the influence of this identity that these states asserted to appear more in global and national affairs, indicated by most geographical and population dimensions.
Ziadah (2018) highlighted that the social structure of the Gulf States is debated from the social attire of other countries in order to attain alliance. The absence of substantial indigenous working class, prevalence of nomadic and peasant population along with flourishing commercial sector affected the political dynamics of state. The integration of states has paved the way for more modernized social structure with increased literacy. (Ziadah, et, al. 2018). Gulf societies are now parallel to the unpopularity of the social structure taking into account low participation in political affair and consciousness to create unique regional situations. It is argued that it was for the first time that Saudi Arabia was overtaken as one of the largest construction markets; the contract hit a major lead to economy. It incorporates certain strengths such as a regulatory environment that could encourage government-sponsored infrastructure and private investment. Side by side there is an evident weakness taking into account that there is no vibrant private sector that could act as a client to preponderance of government. (Ziadah, et, al. 2018). The efforts of GCC to conduct collective trade negotiation are now constrained. Before this alliance, most of the member countries could engage themselves in the external trade negotiations on a unilateral basis such as Free trade Agreement. It is interesting that the pace of collective trade agreements reflects limited progress on the broader institutional arrangements. (Koku, et, al. 2019).
External factors and alliance
Many of the analysts such as, Abdulla, (2018) believe that it a historical experience that paved the way for alienation. It is highlighted that the British domination on the shores of Gulf lasted for about one hundred years, with pathetic withdrawal in 1971. Britain exercised control over four Arab Sheikhdoms such as Qatar, Kuwait, UAE, and Bahrain, dictating all scenarios of defense and political affairs, asserting interference of external characteristics in the tribal section of society was neither planned not required. (Abdulla, et, al. 2018). It is argued that Britain did not control the other two states, Oman and Saudi Arabia. There was no external power or political influence over them so it was one of the major stances of alliance of these states, where there was a dominant factor of overcoming the previous gaps. The stance of integration is a major point to note-taking that GCC are the active members of PAFTA that was established in early 1997. The signatories of PAFTA has recently launched efforts to reduce nontariff trade restrictions, asserting that nontariff barriers will remain most pervasive and a greater obstacle between both the trading groups. Side by side, all countries of GCC are the members of WTO. As all the members of GCC joint WTO at different time, there would be varying reader reform commitments from country to country, questioning consistency of alliance.
Economic factors are also treated as one of the major factors that have asserted a great impact on the stance of alliance. The formulation of industrials extorts has contributed to the rapid expansion of infrastructure that is associated with these states. It is affirmative that today, these countries have single source economies whose strengths are highly dependent on markets that are beyond immediate surroundings. (Baabood, et, al. 2019). It is a particulate case for Saudi Arabia taking into account that it reaches to six states. In 2004, the production of Saudi Arabia reached to11 million BPD. It is proudly notified that none of the six states were able to proceed with their agricultural sections on their own; in fact, a major section of food has to be imported. (Baabood, et, al. 2019). The nature and structure of economies argues that economic integration is more dependent on planned and delicate actions by the council authority rather than a functional, smooth and gradual pattern of industrialized economies.
Although GCC has achieved alliance by steps of removing restrictions on trade and the movement of factors responsible for production, there are certain issues that are unresolved. One of the major argument deals with the implementation of standard used customs of union model that are undermined by the absence of an agreed mechanism, having the potential to collect and distribute tariff revenues. Although GCC members will cooperate to undertake broader and custom inspections of other GCC members, still the subset of trade restrictions will also vary with requirements taking into account that the national transportation carriers will be used for some produces to standard bureaucratic delays in customs clearance. (Alqahtani, et, al. 2019).
Size and capabilities are also argued in the analysis of both; territorial expanse and the means of power that are unparalleled in terms of contemporary and regional grouping. States range in size from Saudi Arabia’s 2,299,000 sq.km to that of Bahrain’s 676 sq. Again, in terms of human resources, Saudi Arabia has 450,000 inhabitants and Qatar has 310,000 inhabitants as recorded in 1985. In accordance with the GNP per capita, the variation is also much critical. Oman has the population equal to UAE but the per capita of Oman is $6240 and that of UAE is $21340, asserting that it is the national income, this amalgamation of economic has played a major role in the alliance of GCC.
It is significant that there is no common procurement and policies regarding competition that could allow creation of playing field for the correction of market failures and economic competition. Still, it is argued that reintegration cannot be termed as alliance because there is no harmonization of efforts in terms of immigration and labor laws, the inclusion of public service charges and taxes in areas where cross border east cities are significant, there is a great conflict in the plantation commercial laws that could govern properties side by side aviation, finance, and transport fields are also unaddressed. (Abdulla, et, al. 2018). It is highlighted that the adaptation to broad strategies that can liberalize FDI is also a potent stance that has helped Gulf to have an alliance. It is critical to note that integrity of state has initiated broad reforms bureaucrats and national rule that is liberal and independent with certain well-established infrastructures, referring to the incorporation of diversification strategies of emirates rather than Abu Dhabi that has facilitated the flow of FDI to GCC. So, it can be asserted that the attainment of cooperation is still threatened and sweeping.
In order to assess and entail the subject question, qualitative research methods is used. Different research papers and analytical reports along with political assumptions regarding Gulf Cooperation are analyzed in order to evaluate the argument that could lead to the understanding of topic.
Abdulla, A. M., Runco, M. A., Alsuwaidi, H. N., & Alhindal, H. S. (2018). Obstacles to Personal Creativity Among Arab Women from the Gulf Cooperation Council Countries. Creativity. Theories–Research-Applications, 5(1), 41-54.
Alqahtani, A. S. S., Ouyang, H., & Ali, A. (2019). The Reaction of Stock Markets in the Gulf Cooperation Council Countries to Economic Policy Uncertainty in the United States. Economics and Business, 33(1), 22-34.
Baabood, A. (2019). The Future of the GCC Amid the Gulf Divide. In Divided Gulf (pp. 161-178). Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore.
Council, C. (2018). 12 The Arab Gulf States. Naval Powers in the Indian Ocean and the Western Pacific, 207.
Koku, P. S., & Farha, A. A. (2019). Other sources of FDIs in Sub-Saharan Africa: The case of Gulf Cooperation Council states. Journal of Business Research.
Taylor, B., & Cooper, P. G. S. (2018). Power and Regionalism: Explaining Regional Cooperation in the Persian Gulf. In Comparative Regional Integration (pp. 125-144). Routledge.
Ziadah, R. (2018). Constructing a logistics space: Perspectives from the Gulf Cooperation Council. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 36(4), 666-682.
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